Make America Great Again Meme Anti Trump Cartoons 2017

Abstruse

Internet memes are the most pervasive and malleable form of digital pop culture (Wiggins 2019: seven). They are a way 'a society expresses and thinks of itself' (Denisova 2019: 2) used 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique …to posit an argument' (Wiggins 2019, run into too Ponton 2021, this issue). The acts of viewing, creating, sharing and commenting on memes that criticise or 'troll' authority figures take become 'central to our political processes… becom[ing] one of the most important forms of political participation and activism today' (Merrin 2019: 201). However, memes practice non communicate to us in logical arguments, but emotionally and affectively through short quips and images that entertain. Memes are 'part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humor' (Merrin 2019: 222). In this paper, we examine non but what politics memes communicate to us, but how this is done. Nosotros analyse memes, some in mainstream social media apportionment, that praise and criticise the authoritarian tendencies of old US President Donald Trump, taken from 4Chan, a home of many alt-right ideas. Through a Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies approach, we demonstrate how images and lexical choices in memes practice not communicate to us in logical, well-structured arguments, but lean on affective and emotional discourses of racism, nationalism and power. As such, though memes have the potential to emotionally appoint with their intended audiences, this is done at the expense of communicating nuanced and detailed information on political players and issues. This works against the ideal of a public sphere where debate and discussion inform political decisions in a population, essential pillars of a autonomous order (Habermas 1991).

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one. Introduction

Since the Paleolithic Era when humans dwelt in caves, notwithstanding imagery has been an integral part of how nosotros communicate (Clottes 2019). Thousands of years later, modern media such every bit newspapers depend on images. These are 'instrumental in making meaning' based on a deep-seated societal belief that 'the sense of a technical, dispassionate point of view afforded by the camera continues to exist cardinal to journalistic authority' (Allbeson & Allan 2019: 70–71). Despite our historical beloved of still imagery, nil compares in volume to the daily deluge of images we at present feel online. Information technology is estimated nosotros took over ane.two trillion photographs in 2022 and we share more than 3 billion images every day (Lavoie 2018). Memes are an integral part of our social media engagement with imagery.

On social media, though we view 'hard' news and political commentary, studies show nosotros prefer amusement that communicates to us affectively also as cognitively (Boyd 2008). This notion is non lost on political communication scholars, many of whom 'acknowledg[due east] that the historical separation of entertainment and news is obsolete…' (Esralew & Immature 2012: 338). Social media users appoint in 'scroll culture', where we are guided by our thumbs, skimming, reading, liking and commenting on a constant catamenia of artefacts that entertain and inform. Though much of this is considered 'mundane', on closer examination information technology is highly ideological (Mode 2021a, 2021b). It is precisely through (digital) popular civilisation where we almost experience politics 'every bit fun, as style, and but every bit part of the taken for granted everyday world… [though these] are infused past and shaped by, power relations and ideologies' (Machin 2013: 347). Using the case study of memes well-nigh sometime United states President Donald Trump, this newspaper considers what politics memes offer us and how these communicate to us emotionally and affectively in our insatiable search to be informed and entertained.

two. Memes, politics and affect

The term 'meme', coined by biologist Richard Dawkins (1976), refers to the way we pass on 'cultural information and ideas between individuals and generations', like to the way genes are passed on betwixt generations. However, this concept is inadequate when because internet memes (future 'memes'). Information technology is better to consider memes as remixes and iterations, viral texts that mutate and replicate and are readily transformed and contradistinct by purposeful human agency, with mutation being desirable and frequently unavoidable (Denisova 2019, Wiggins 2019).

Memes entertain u.s., though they are more than merely a laugh. They are a way 'a society expresses and thinks of itself', where '"everyday" media texts intertwine with public discourses' (Milner 2012: ix; Denisova 2019: 2). Throughout the 1990s-2000s, memes went from an entertaining 'geek' culture in-joke to a mainstream gimmick and 'the means of political and social deliberation' (Denisova 2019: x). They are manipulated texts produced and distributed 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique… to posit an argument, visually, in guild to commence, extend, counter, or influence a discourse' (Wiggins 2019: 11). Memes are an integral part of 'trolling culture', as defined past Merrin (2019). Hither, nosotros are not referring to 'splenetic attacks… whose hate speech, and rape and decease threats… are ruining the internet [because] their abuse and hatred are serious' (Merrin 2019: 202). Much of this behaviour has been chastised as an 'anti-social personality disorder' (Bishop 2013) used by those who take reward of 'toxic disinhibition' of anonymous, online communication to express their anger (Suler 2005: 184). Instead, this paper considers trolling more broadly, based on the fishing term to drag a 'baited line behind a boat to see what could exist caught' (Merrin 2019: 202). In this sense, memes are a function of a 'sport' that ridicules 'those who get above themselves, or gear up themselves above others – at those asserting, or in, say-so' (Merrin 2019: 202). This activity is 'fundamental to our political processes, spreading through the mainstream to become 1 of the most important forms of political participation and activism today, employed by politicians, political commentators and the public alike' (Merrin 2019: 201).

Memes influence viewers' awareness of people, issues and events and connect mainstream media topics with social media users. This is evident in the 2022 Usa ballot campaign, when memes 'highlighted and promoted the trending discourses around both candidates' (Denisova 2019: 186). They are effective because they are short, snappy, entertaining and express a detail point of view through humour. They serve as 'listen-bombs', a term coined and proficient by Greenpeace co-founder Bob Hunter, by distributing a symbolic text that expresses an idea in a nutshell and has an emotional affect (Weyler 2020). When used strategically, they 'help attract attending to political issues and advise alternative interpretations' (Denisova 2019: 195). They are a manner to understand and question concepts, identities and claims fabricated past various political groups.

Despite the power ascribed to memes by some scholars, their limits are also recognised. Their political power lie in their ability to address and appeal to specific groups of political actors with particular views in society. In other words, memes tend to 'appeal to an already-existing mental attitude, assumption, prejudice, fright, point of pride, conspiracy theory, value etc. to achieve salience in a given grouping' (Wiggins 2019: 64). Phillips (2009) demonstrates this through his examination of the Obama Joker meme. Hither, he finds this meme was used and manipulated by various groups to express a number of sometimes opposing political views. The political potential of memes are partly determined through acceptance by and incorporation into a group or community and this is limited, dependent on offline social relations and activities including people talking about and discussing memes (Wiggins 2019). Their power is likewise dependent on whether or not audiences indeed read memes as their producers want from a 'preferred reading position'. Furthermore, their power lies in whether audiences are able to successfully reference real-earth events represented in the meme, equally well as the media texts and formats memes re-create, parody and/ or manipulate.

A dominant characteristic of memes is they do not communicate to u.s. in logical well-structured arguments, but emotionally and affectively (Denisova 2019, Merrin 2019, Wiggins 2019, Way 2021а). Though both concepts are intricately linked, impact is non emotion, but 'provides and amplifies intensity [of emotion] by increasing our awareness of a certain mind or body state that nosotros, every bit adults, learn to characterization every bit a detail feeling and express every bit a given emotion' (Papacharissi 2015: 309). So, affect, in short, is the intensity in which we experience emotion. By communicating to us affectively and emotionally, memes reduce and simplify political facts and arguments. They are 'another move away' from rational, communicative argue, 'part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humor' (Merrin 2019: 222). This newspaper reveals how memes communicate to us on these affective and emotional levels.

iii. Absolutism and Trump

In mainstream media, Trump has been criticised for being likewise authoritarian by some, whilst being praised for being a 'stiff man' by others. Authoritarianism consists of 3 core components which are (1) 'security confronting risks of instability and disorder', (ii) 'grouping conformity to preserve conventional traditions and baby-sit our fashion of life' and (3) 'loyal obedience toward strong leaders who protect the group and its customs' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 7). It is directly linked to the 'politics of fear' (encounter as well Ozyumenko & Larina 2021, this issue) where in that location is a search for collective security of a ascendant group, usually referred to as 'our people' against 'them', at the expense of personal freedoms. Our people can exist defined in terms of nationality and citizenship, or more than locally every bit in-groups based on race, religion, ethnicity, location, generation, party, gender, or sex (Zappettini 2019; 2021). In any of these forms, absolutism values group loyalty, shared cultural meanings and feelings of belonging (Norris & Inglehart 2019: vii).

Authoritarianism becomes more unsafe when it is mixed with populism where populists 'pretend to speak for the underdog ['the people'] whose political identity is constructed by opposing information technology to an aristocracy' (De Cleen & Carpentier 2010: 180). Notwithstanding, dependent on context, who are defined as 'the people' and 'the elite' is fluid. Authoritarian-populist politicians tell us that in order to defend 'the states' we need to restrict 'them'. This toxic combination results in policies that justify the brake of immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and foreigners. At the time of writing, absolutism-populist politicians and parties had gained power in a number of states including the US, Austria, Italia, the Netherlands, Poland, Turkey and Switzerland. In other states, they agree sway, including UKIP and the Brexit Party in catalysing and influencing Brexit (Norris & Inglehart 2019: i). Much praise and criticism about Trump in the media are in terms of authoritarianism. Though some mainstream media criticise Trump for being likewise authoritarian, some
right-wing media celebrate this (Merrin 2019, Way 2021а).

Trump's fashion of governance may easily be considered authoritarian-populist every bit divers to a higher place. He 'uses populist rhetoric to legitimize his way of governance, while promoting authoritarian values that threaten the liberal norms underpinning American republic' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 3). He and his supporters accept attacked the 'the liberal press and their ideals of holding authority to account' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrrin 2019: 15). All the while, he calls his opponents 'phoney' or 'dopey', labels media and journalists as 'corrupt' or 'false news' while discourses of violence, racism and wider uncivility become the 'new' norms of social and political doing and acting (Krzyżanowski 2020: 4). He has get the darling of the alt-right in the Us, defined every bit 'a range of extreme far-right movements and positions broadly unified by their rejection of traditional, mainstream Christian conservativism and republicanism in favour of white nationalism and supremacism' (Merrin 2019: 206).

four. 4Chan

4Chan is one of a number of websites that have become platforms to communicate alt-correct ideas (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: 13). Prepare by Christopher Poole in 2003, 4Chan consists of un-archived, subject-based boards with bearding postings. It was 'part of the anything goes, libertarian civilisation of the internet, merely its desire to daze and migrate to the right would eventually make it and Reddit key sites for the alt-right' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: 13). It is '[t]he modernistic online home of trolling and the spirit of chaos… the must-see, assessment-pit of the cyberspace: as Obi-Wan Kenobi says (in a quote oft practical to the site): "You will never discover a more wretched hive of scum and villainy"' (Merrin 2019: 204). Here internet users experience 'gratis pornography, misogyny, racism, most forms of "phobia", graphic insults, general grossness and maximum offensiveness' (Merrin 2019: 204). Many of the memes that populate our mainstream social media feeds originate from 4Chan, it being 'one of the most artistic corners of the spider web, with its chaos birthing near every major meme or aspect of internet culture over the concluding decade' (Merrin 2019: 204).

4Chan is non but creative, just besides political. It has run an assault campaign aimed at the Church of Scientology for attempting to censor content on the internet. It besides aimed its rage at a adult female game designer and and so other feminist commentators in so-called 'Gamergate'. Here posters presented themselves as underdogs and victims, despite accusations of corruption by 'snowflakes, unicorns and cry bullies'. They pitted themselves against mainstream media and feminism, naming them as both 'impossibly strong' and 'laughably weak' (Lees 2016). Not long after this entrada, 4Chan turned its attention to Trump. At offset, his candidacy was seen as a joke, but and so it apace evolved into support (Merrin 2019). Its support for Trump is not surprising, considering 'his politics closely chimed with [4Chan's] the outsider-culture, anti-PC sentiment, racism and misogyny and the claims of post-truth "shitposters"' (Merrin 2019: 208). Links between 4Chan and Trump are more just shared political views. Trump and his staff retweeted alt-correct videos and images created on 4Chan and 4Chan'southward memes were part of Trump's entrada to relentlessly tilt sentiment on social media in his favour. As ane former entrada official said: 'He clearly won the war confronting Hillary Clinton day afterwards day afterward day' (Schreckinger 2017).

4Chan's /po/ lath 'is by far the near influential disseminator of memes in terms of the raw number of memes originating from it. In particular, it is more influential in spreading racist and political memes' (De Cristofaro 2018). Information technology delivers an of import youth demographic to the alt-right, playing a central function in attacks on mainstream media, mainstream politics, the civilisation of political correctness and Left-fly identity politics. These attacks are axiomatic on 4Chan and in Trump's 2022 election campaign. In fact, many memes that originate from 4Chan cross over into mainstream platforms such every bit Twitter and Facebook to appeal to 'normies'. It was instrumental in anti-Hillary Clinton campaigns such every bit Pizzagate and other conspiracy theories. All the same, 4Chan is also a thorn in Trump'south side. Despite mainstream media criticising Trump, these actions have had little effect on his supporters, feeding into the narrative of Trump equally an outsider. However, memes on 4Chan and other social media platforms have seen trigger-happy responses by Trump and his supporters suggesting 'sense of humour and satire: the same troll-civilization that supports Trump and which he incarnates has get one of the most of import weapons against him' (Merrin 2019: 213).

5. Data

Our report examines a sample of epitome-based memes of Trump taken from 4Chan's /po/ board in the leap of 2019. This time was called to reflect what was in digital circulation about one-half way through Trump'southward term in office. During this fourth dimension, at that place were countless memes and images being created, manipulated and circulated in threads about Trump on 4Chan. This is not surprising, seeing its history of promoting not only Trump, but also the alt-right. This researcher scanned hundreds of feeds in gild to sympathize how memes expressed ideas about Trump in terms of authoritarianism. Through this authoritarianism prism, iv dominant themes near Trump emerge. These are: Trump is God-like, Trump is a powerful leader, Trump is powerful against the media and Trump is non existence strong enough. In the post-obit analysis, we closely analyse two representative memes from each of these categories to reveal how they articulate discourses of authoritarianism affectively and emotionally.

half dozen. Methodology

Memes we examine are still images and some include written text. We offer a brief clarification of posters' comments nigh the memes nosotros analyse to consider how they were 'read' by posters. We use Multimodal Disquisitional Discourse Studies (MCDS) to analyse how lexica and images independently and together articulate discourses. This approach has the advantage of revealing the way each fashion works to articulate discourses 'on a particular occasion, in a item text' (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001: 29; see also Ponton 2016). MCDS finds its origins in Critical Discourse Analysis and Halliday's (1994) functional grammar which assume linguistic and visual choices reveal broader discourses articulated in texts (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001). MCDS describe out the details of how broader discourses are communicated and how the different modes play slightly different roles (Machin & Mayr 2012). These discourses tin exist thought of as models of the earth and project sure social values and ideas which contribute to the (re)production of social life. The aim of analysis is to reveal what kinds of social relations of ability, inequalities and interests are perpetuated, generated or legitimated in texts both explicitly and implicitly (van Dijk 1993).

We examine how participants are represented in our sample texts, an approach used extensively in previous enquiry and shown to exist central to revealing discourses (Wodak et al. 1999, Bishop & Jaworski 2003, Wodak & Weiss 2005). Written lexica is analysed (when part of a meme) past leaning on van Leeuwen (1996 & 1995) and Fairclough'south (2003) seminal work on the representation of social actors. We consider participants in terms of how they are named and how their deportment are represented. Here questions such as who does what to whom and how participants are represented in more agile or passive roles are examined. Though originally applied to written texts, social actor assay is also applied to images leaning on the influential work of Kress and van Leeuwen (1996 & 2001) and Machin (2007). These scholars ascertain iii wide analytical categories for analysing the visual representation of social actors: Positioning, kinds of participants and actions. How viewers are symbolically positioned in relation to participants in images through gaze, angle of interaction and distance is considered. These choices take repercussions in terms of representations of ability and connotations of engagement with viewers (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). When examining the kinds of participants, we consider whether social actors are represented as individuals or groups, culturally and/ or biologically categorised and who is included and excluded. The representation of activity, including process types and agency, conduct with them discourses of ability and are an integral role of our visual analysis.

Choices in how imagery is organised and composed is also analysed. Here, we consider the internal 'flow' or organisation of an paradigm, salience and the degree of modality suggested in an image. Image arrangement, including the positioning of elements and framing, contribute to an image'south internal 'menses' and carry with it ideological meanings (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Salience, which connotes importance and power, is expressed through visual devises such as potent cultural symbols, size, colour, tone, focus and foregrounding (Machin 2007). Modality is a literary concept associated with the amount of certainty a producer assigns to a text. In visuals, 'modality tin can be decreased or increased depending on how much the paradigm departs from how we would have seen the image had we been at that place' (Machin 2007: 46). Not all of these visual elements are analysed for each meme, just like not all memes include written text. Instead, we employ the higher up analytical tools based on their usefulness in revealing discourses about Trump, authoritarianism, emotion and touch.

seven. Assay

vii.1. Memes of God-like powers

One obvious strategy used to represent Trump as powerful is producing a visual mash up with his head on a mythical character's body. 4Chan's God Emperor Trump series depicts Trump as ruler of the world, wearing the armour of the immortal character Emperor of Flesh (likewise known as 'God Emperor' or 'Imperium of Man') from the war game Warhammer 40,000. According to 'Know your meme' website, these images first appeared on 4Chan on xvi June 2015.

Figure one is typical of these God Emperor Trump memes that appeared during our research. Trump stands tall. He wears the armour of Emperor of Mankind, culturally categorising Trump as a super-beingness (Machin 2007). Both the vertical and horizontal angle of interactions propose force. The photographic camera looks up to Trump connoting cracking ability (Machin 2007). His trunk too faces the camera, though his face looks off to the side. This connotes that he is non here to engage with viewers in a demand image that connotes interaction between viewer and subject (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). Instead, he is offered to his viewers, posing to exist admired. Abousnnouga and Machin (2010: 144) examine war monuments and observe that nearly of the subjects (soldiers) do not symbolically demand anything of their viewers, but look off to the horizon. This has the significant potential 'of wanting the public to see the soldiers as part of a different world, one of the glory of God… metaphorically [looking] to the futurity and loftier ideals.' Here Trump gazes in a similar manner, looking thoughtful, full of high ideals, powerful and into the futurity. Facial expressions are stern and forceful, making articulate he is in power. His head is small compared to the massive torso in the montage. Yet, both head and body are salient connoting importance and power. His body is salient through its size. Merely the meme's message of Trump every bit powerful would be lost on his fans if his head was difficult to identify. Light, focus and colour make his head salient. Furthermore, it is in focus and importantly, the creator of the image has suggested other-worldliness by including what looks like a halo around Trump's head to guide our eyes towards him.

Figure 1. 'God Emperor Trump' prototype in pro-Trump 4Chan thread

Compositional choices too contribute to Trump's mythical status. There is no distinguishable background, only modular shades of golden-red. Hither, Emperor God Trump is decontextualised. In that location is low modality in this image, where nosotros exercise non know where Trump is or what he is doing. Modality markers, including the joint of particular, background and depth, all contribute to how 'existent' an image is perceived (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Where figures are represented without a background, 'it unremarkably means that the prototype is symbolic rather than documentary', symbolic rather than descriptive (Machin 2007: 51). Here, this contributes to the notion that this image is less about real power and Trump's actions and more about vague, emotive notions or fantasies of Trump's ability experienced by his fans, however sick-divers these are (Machin 2007: 48).

The discourse of power, but not any real tangible power, is common throughout this series. In feeds with these memes, most posters express adoration for Trump and disdain for those who do non similar him. Accompanying memes ii, nosotros encounter this in posts such as 'Dubs ostend Trump is God Emperor. Sorry Liberals' and 'That'south God Emperor of Mankind Trump to yous, you lowly worm'. In both these posts (and many others) we find an 'us' group of Trump fans, united in their admiration for Trump. 'Dubs' is a personal naming of ane fellow member of this group, active in confirming Trump's power. This presupposes that Dubs indeed has the authority to confirm, a positive representation of power. Distinct from this group is an 'other' grouping named using the pronoun 'you lot' above (elsewhere 'them'). This group is impersonally and generically named as 'Liberals' and evaluated negatively in 'you lowly worm'. By Dubs saying 'lamentable' to Liberals for Trump's power, the author presupposes Liberals are saddened by Trump's (great?) power.

Similar the posts, the meme expresses admiration for Trump. Again, this is not about 'real' political ability, like the ability to abolish Obamacare, build a wall on the Mexican border, shut the borders to Muslims or curtail criticisms in the printing. This is symbolic ability, confirming posters' adoration and pride towards Trump and Trump's America. Similarities between figures one and two include Trump's head mashed-upwardly with the body of Emperor of Mankind. Both images see Trump's head small, yet salient through the use of colours, lighting and focus. Low modality through an duplicate background is too common, connoting both symbolic ability over 'existent' ability and Trump as a mythical character.

Figure 2. Symbolic power and nationalism in 'God Emperor Trump' images

Despite similarities, this meme is different than the first one we examined. Now potent cultural symbols change the discourse to one of nationalism and power. Salient are reminders of America that tap into fans' national pride. Most salient is the big American flag in focus. Also, an American bald eagle sits on Trump'southward left mitt. This national symbol is not free to fly like the bird in the background of Trump's halo, merely has been tamed, suggesting it has submitted to Trump's power. The America beingness promoted hither is Trump's America. On the right knee joint of his armour is a face shot of Trump. He looks direct at viewers, demanding our attention and connoting power (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). He is represented yelling suggesting aggression and power.

MAGA hats sit on top of Trump's and the bald hawkeye's heads. This cultural ornamentation is recognisable worldwide. MAGA, short for 'Make America Keen Again', has go synonymous with a world view associated with Trump that includes controversial perspectives on race, clearing, the environment, politicians, authoritarianism and fifty-fifty cognition (Makovicky, Tremon, & Zanonai 2019). Part of this outlook is branding Trump as an unconventional, ambitious politician, symbolised here by the flaming sword with 'Trump' written on the handle. This image is not just most America, only well-nigh a style of leadership that is unconventional, authoritarian and populist. Though imagery such every bit this connotes great power and suggests absolutism, discourses admired past many 4Chan users and expressed in their comments, power is not 'existent' or defined. As such, these memes affectively reflect and echo dominant discourses on 4Chan, discourses that celebrate Trump'due south America, his power and authoritarianism.

seven.2. Trump as powerful president/ presidential candidate

Trump'south power is non just represented in God-like imagery in our sample. There are more than descriptive representations of Trump's power, such as being a powerful president and presidential candidate. Figure iii is an example used in a thread in June 2019. The feed is made up of insults and bantering amidst users about the merits of Trump and his supporters. This image accompanies a post that claims 'Losers lose their shit over how awesome this guy is'. Here nosotros encounter Trump critics named as 'losers' and acting negatively by 'los[ing] their shit'. This very negative representation is opposed to this 'awesome … guy', lexical choices that not just praise ('crawly'), but likewise propose closeness and being i of 'us' by using the friendly colloquial term 'guy'.

Figure three, once again we find discourses of power. This is a close up head shot, giving viewers a point of identification and making it like shooting fish in a barrel for them to symbolically collaborate with Trump (Machin 2007). He looks direct at the camera, directly addressing viewers and suggesting ability (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). A slight smile on his face suggests conviction. Smiles can have on a variety of meanings depending on context and in some cases 'there may be a kind of grin that invites us in or allows usa to share the joy of a moment' (Machin 2007:111). Here, Trump's grinning indicates he wants us to exist happy with him, to share in his victory. This is emphasised by the pronoun 'we' instead of 'I' in the accompanying written text. Groups constructed using 'we' in political discourse are constantly shifting and vague, referring to party, nation, regime, residents or other combinations used to serve politicians' purposes (Fairclough 1989: 148). Here, 'nosotros' is not defined, it possibly meaning Trump and his Republican political party, conservatives, or even the alt-correct. However, what is connoted is Trump is powerful, being central to a winning grouping of 'we' Trump supporters.

Though in that location is no activeness represented in the prototype, Trump is represented strong through cultural categorisation. His adjust, white shirt and tie tell us this is a formal occasion and he is someone to be respected. The colours of the accompanying writing and surrounding boxes mirror those of the American flag suggesting a national event. What has been 'won' is non indicated in the thread or image, though it is probable the meme originally referred to Trump's election in 2016. In whatever circumstance, this is an empowering image. But like the images in the previous section, this is more symbolic than existent. The background, over again, gives no clues equally to any particular event or result. The image and context connote no real action and agency. Trump is not represented doing anything to anybody. Notwithstanding, this meme is nearly his power and 'us' existence a part of this, though null is defined or quantifiable.

Figure three. Descriptive representations of Trump's ability in 4Chan memes

Trump supporters started the slogan 'Can't Stump the Trump' during his campaign to become the Republican presidential candidate. A Trump supporter offset posted the slogan on 4Chan on 15 June 2015. A number of conservative media outlets repeated the phrase and Trump tweeted it on 13 October 2015. The now famous meme that incorporates this slogan (Fig. iv) appears regularly on 4Chan. The slogan implies an oppositional 'you' while the parochial lexical choice of 'stump' suggests informality. Equally such, Trump'southward unorthodox populist and confrontational style of politicking is connoted alongside his intellectual prowess. Withal, with no details or context represented in the slogan, this communicates to its audiences symbolically and affectively rather than in a tangible, descriptive manner.

Choices in the prototype further articulates discourses of Trump every bit a powerful leader of America. Equally is the instance with the previous meme, Trump is salient connoting his importance. Aside from written text, excluded are whatever details of where he is and what he is doing. This is all about Trump. Unlike whatever of the previous images, at that place is no background here further suggesting the paradigm is more symbolic than descriptive (Machin 2007: 34). Trump's head has depression modality. That is, 'the paradigm departs from how we would have seen the prototype had we been there' (Machin 2007: 46). Facial details, such as wrinkles, blemishes and faults are non nowadays. There is a visual effect applied to the image that eliminates these realities and offers the states a immature, unreal version of Trump's head. Choosing a youthful-looking version of Trump has more associations with strength than that of an old, over-weight man. Power is also connoted by Trump staring at viewers in a demand image, direct addressing his fans. His eyes are broad open up every bit though he is afraid of nothing. His forehead slightly leans forward and his chin is tucked in as though he is daring viewers to question his intelligence asserted in the slogan. Every bit seen in the last meme, at that place is a slight smile, connoting confidence.

Figure 4. 'Can't Stump the Trump' meme on 4Chan

Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) claim that the position of elements in images create 'compositional structures' which have significant potential. One structure is the 'Triptych' where i chemical element is centrally placed, acting as a mediator between other elements. Within this meme, Trump occupies the middle of the meme surrounded past colours of the American flag. He is literally at the centre of America. This discourse of Trump being an essential part of American nationalism is farther articulated in how Trump's proper name is presented in the meme. His name is integrated with the US flag connoting a natural connection between the two (Machin 2007: 154). In fact, by having Trump's proper name on meridian of the flag, overlapping occurs once more connoting Trump'southward strength and importance in America (Eisner 1985). Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) likewise identify the top of compositions as the 'ideal', generalisation or simplification of an image. The bottom is the 'real', factual and grounded in the everyday that adds weight and brownie to the ideal. Here, the ideal is 'tin't stump' while 'the Trump' is the factual that adds weight to the ideal. This construction emphasises Trump as unstoppable and clever in the context of power in America. Every bit such, this appeals to posters' emotions of being proud to be a part of Trump's America. What this is missing is whatever details and specifics virtually exactly what is this power, who it effects and how.

7.3. Images of Trump's relations with mainstream media

Trump'due south relations with mainstream media are combative at best, well documented and discussed extensively in academia (meet Hopper, Hoskin & Merrin 2019). He makes no cloak-and-dagger of his dislike for critical media, these being regular targets for his angst in his political rallies and press conferences. This trend to attack critical mainstream media is aligned with authoritarian notions of loyal obedience toward a strong leader. Trump likewise shares his critical views on Twitter, including a GIF in 2022 of him body slamming the CNN logo. This GIF resulted in a meme campaign instigated by 4Chan on 5 July 2022 named 'Operation Autism Storm' or the 'Great CNN Meme War'. The campaign urged users to appoint in a meme war with CNN because the network threatened to reveal the identity of the producer of this controversial GIF. 4Chan and Reddit users began spreading anti-CNN images, videos and animated GIFs, including a contest for the best meme in the 'Great CNN Meme War'. A compilation of these memes, clips and GIFs after appeared on YouTube. Much of this imagery is recycled and appears in feeds on 4Chan.

In this section we examine ii memes that originate from the meme state of war. Posters' comments that accompany the memes, such as 'CNN is the fakest news of them all' and 'Destroy CNN by any memes possible', echo Trump sentiments of anger, and frustration at mainstream media. In both memes, Trump is salient. His head, which is mashed on to other characters, is large, lite in colour and is in the foreground of the images. Unlike memes and images nosotros have analysed thus far, here Trump is represented interim with bureau connoting great power (Fairclough 1995: 113). The origins of figure five is the game Mortal Kombat. Every bit is the instance with all memes, noesis of original media contribute to the meanings articulated in memes. This image is part of a fatality sequence in Mortal Kombat in which a character called Liu Kang (Trump here) turns into a dragon and eats the elevation one-half of his opponent. In the altered prototype, the Trump dragon dominates. He is much larger than the CNN character and in the centre of the image, a salient position. His body is puffed out in a posture that connotes a threat to the CNN character. The horizontal angle of interaction does non allow us to have any symbolic interaction with Trump. This image is offered to the states as information available for scrutiny (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 124). We are hither to observe his strength. Trump's mouth is open up, yelling, threatening and possibly set to eat his opponent (CNN). His eyed glare downwardly at CNN, over again emphasising his anger and ability. CNN leans back, cowering under his threats. Here representations of power are clear. Represented actions of yelling, threatening and attacking are an emotional metaphor for Trump's actions and relations with mainstream media.

Figure five. Meme of Trump as Liu Kang from the Mortal Combat game

In figure 6, Trump again dominates the prototype. Here, his head is mashed on to the Hulk from The Avengers moving-picture show (2012). In this image, Trump faces us, allowing viewers to witness his anger. The vertical angle of interaction emphasises his force. In the original pic, the Hulk fights Loki, a villain. Here Trump's caput is mashed on to the superhero's body every bit he holds the villain by the feet in a sequence that sees the Blob physically brutalise Loki. Information technology is a ane-sided fight due to the Hulk's enormous forcefulness. Here, the superhero Trump physically brutalises CNN. This show of strength and connotations of who is right and who is incorrect would not be lost on viewers, confirming their behavior that mainstream media are wrong, information technology being 'fake news'. All the while, the meme offers no bear witness or context for such assertions, just metaphoric over literal representations of actions that emphasise ability and acrimony.

Figure six. Trump as the Hulk from The Avengers film (2012)

vii.4. Criticisms of Trump for not being strong enough

There is a lot of criticisms of Trump in mainstream media and digital popular civilization. Criticism is aimed at a large number of issues including his disciplinarian tendencies, his (un)lawful actions, his style of governing and even his policies. More often than not, these come from a position that may be considered more than liberal than Trump. However, in our search of 4Chan in 2019, at that place was a lot of criticism of Trump from the right. He is represented as not authoritarian enough and as well tolerant towards minorities such as the Gay community, asylum seekers, Jewish people and Israel. In this section, we examine a two-epitome meme to reveal some of the strategies used to affectively connote praise and criticism about Trump's ability.

As noted to a higher place, viewers of 4Chan inevitably engage with racist texts, whether viewing, posting, commenting or creating these (Merrin 2019: 204). This is evident in threads that defend and criticise Trump. One common theme during our sample time was an anti-Semitic discourse. Accompanying effigy seven, we find the media is 'Jewish controlled' while YouTube is named 'Jewtube' and Facebook 'Faceberg'. These namings accompany an array of conspiracy theories where Jewish people are to blame for a whole host of injustices. In the thread that accompanies figure seven, nosotros observe some users assail Trump and some defend him. Trump is attacked as being weak, represented as following Israel in 'Trump is blind and Netanyahu is guiding him' and 'Brand these shill memes that evidence him MIGA instead of MAGA.' We tin can simply presume MIGA is an acronym that exchanges 'America' for 'State of israel' in Trump'southward 'Brand America Neat Once more' slogan. Elsewhere in the thread, the 'Jewish controlled media' are attacked for existence against Trump who volition 'destroy groping Joe [Biden] in 2020', while some users believe this thread is part of a Jewish-led conspiracy to plough voters against Trump. These comments express fear of the other, in this example Jewish people and Isreal, as well as anger at Trump for being too accommodating towards Isreal. These emotions are also represented in this meme.

The meme is in the style of a before and after sequence. Scholars tell u.s. an image can be organised from left to right where the left tin can represent the old while the right tin can represent the new and the possible (Halliday 1994: 277). In this composition, the left is the past, something we already know, while the correct is something new. In the left image, we see Trump culturally categorised as a Crusader. In popular fiction, the red on white cantankerous we see on Trump'southward shield and chest plate is associated with not merely the English flag, but also the Crusades and Saint George, England's 'patron saint'. Though not a symbol of America, this image resonates with Trump's policies towards Muslims, keeping in mind the eight Crusader wars were 'a series of religious wars between Christians and Muslims started primarily to secure control of holy sites considered sacred by both groups' ('Crusades' 2019). The background, though low in modality, depicts a dry out, desert-like mural, a big sun and a building with a dome roof. All these lean on stereotypes that suggest Trump is in the Middle E and most probably Isreal.

Figure 7. An anti-Semitic far-right meme critical of Trump on 4Chan

On the left, Trump is salient, with his caput mashed on to a knight. But his head is non as salient every bit in previous memes that used lighting, colour, focus and/or size for salience. Here his head is distinguishable, simply modest. The horse and American flag are far more salient, the flag existence both large and a potent cultural symbol. Like the positive images examined above, Trump is looking to the horizon – a human with a vision. This image connotes positivity, though not as obvious as previous examples. It provokes longing for a time when Trump had a vision as a candidate. His facial expressions, though hard to distinguish, are stern and serious, like a crusader, off to brand America Nifty Again.

The right-hand image has less certainty and positivity and lower modality than the left image. A 'realistic' photograph of Trump'southward caput on the left is replaced with a extravaganza of Trump. It is biologically categorised based on racist stereotypes. He now has a large olfactory organ, squinting eyes and big eyebrows. Some of these qualities are used in Jewish detest literature. He looks untrustworthy connoted past his gaze that no longer looks to the horizon, only off to the side. He is now a flag bearer for State of israel not America, indicated past the flag changes. What is connoted hither is he now works in the national interest of Israel, playing on fears of expose by Trump fans. This is zilch brusk of treasonous behaviour for a president. He no longer is a warrior crusader fighting for America and its interests. Instead, he is a traitor, fighting for Israel and Jewish people. Though these criticisms are powerful, they are not specific. At that place is no articulation of an argument in the meme or in the thread of what Trump has done for or against America and/ or Israel. Though these memes may stir up emotional nationalist and racist feelings in 4Chan users, their lack of direct criticism is stark.

8. Determination

In this paper, we have considered how image-based memes most Donald Trump'southward power shared on social media articulate political discourses. Whether pro or anti-Trump, the power represented is not near any existent tangible power or actions, only symbolic and/ or metaphoric. We find memes lean on emotional discourses about nationalism, racism and authoritarianism. Criticism and praise is not communicated through logical, clearly articulated, tangible arguments simply affectively and emotionally. 4Chan users are presented with memes that dispense images and lexica (sometimes) to communicate to usa affectively, drawing on feelings and stereotypes that connote other-worldly strength and power. These lean on discourses of absolutism, discourses shut to many 4Chan audience members.

Though these lean on emotion and touch on, memes similar these are important. They are pervasive, popular and effective. Many memes originate from the alt-right and seep into mainstream social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube. Here, they are viewed, considered, commented upon and shared past millions, social media beingness a primary source of entertainment and information for many of u.s.a.. These activities get audiences to consider politicians and their deportment. For example, the Israel meme analysed to a higher place suggests that Trump said one matter as a candidate but acted differently every bit a president. This bulletin has the potential to stir acrimony in users and be part of a decision making process on how to vote. Even so, we should non over-stress their importance in terms of democratic ideals. Unlike mainstream media, these offering little room for their viewers to analyse and question bug, events and people, confirming rather than challenging already-held behavior. Their affective, comical and simplified nature do not invite usa to consider a range of views on pertinent issues in order for us to make informed political decisions. Instead, memes are a part of 'scroll culture' that metaphorically shouts emotionally-laden viewpoints at us. This does footling in terms of creating an informed public every bit envisioned by Habermas (1991), thereby calculation a further blow to an essential component of a healthy functioning democracy.

About the authors

Lyndon C.Southward. Way

University of Liverpool

Author for correspondence.
E-mail: lyndon.fashion@liverpool.air conditioning.britain
ORCID iD: 0000-0002-0481-4891

communications and media lecturer at the University of Liverpool. His surface area of research is analysing relations betwixt (digital) popular culture and politics through the lens of multimodal critical discourse studies. He has co-/edited a number of publications on music and digital popular culture as multimodal political discourse, written a monograph on Turkish music and politics (Bloomsbury 2018) and another entitled Analysing Politics and Protest in DigitalPopular Culture (Sage 2021).

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Source: https://journals.rudn.ru/linguistics/article/view/27484